Time for the Chinese version of events. Or at least the Chinese Communist version. The following is part of a Marxist history put out by the Peoples Republic’s Foreign Language Press. I should note that the Chinese Communist party views history as a tool for creating a socialist society. To quote Mao Tsetung: “They [the intellectuals] must continue to remould themslves gradually shed their bourgeois world outlook so that they can fully fit in with the needs of the new society and unite with the workers and peasants.” Selected Readings From the Works of Mao Tsetung, (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing 1971), pages 457-458.
This Mao quote comes from an essay ‘The question of the Intellectuals’ which is part of a larger essay titled ‘On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People’. The authors of ‘A Concise History of China’ had their own serious contradictions to handle when writing their section on the Boxer Rebellion.
Should they embrace the Boxers who to put it bluntly were a backwards secret society with quasi religious overtones, who cooperated with the ruling ‘feudal’ Manchu Dynasty, and who would not have been openly tolerated in the People’s Republic? The answer is yes. The authors airbrushed such details away in favor of pursuing an anti-imperialist, peasant uprising theme, which has some degree of truth but which lacks many of the messy elements of reality.
I am posting this text despite its weaknesses because the authors do attempt to answer the question of who the rank and file Boxers were in order to satisfy their own Marxist fetish with class. They provide a useful sequence of events and an interesting view of how the imperial powers reacted to this crisis. If you like the piece tell me so we can all gather unannounced at Vargas’s house to sing the Micky Mao song, “Whose the leader of the Party who made this totalitarian ideology for you and me? Micky Mao, Micky Mao, Micky Mao.”
The text I am using is Jian Bozan, Shao Xunzheng, and Hu Hua, ‘A Concise History of China’ (Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1964, 1981), pages 119-124.
"VI. The Yi He Tuan Peasant Movement Against Imperialist Aggression
The Anti-Imperialist Movement of the People as Reflected in the Opposition to Foreign Missionaries. Foreign aggression was intensified following the failure of the reform movement which had counted on royal power as its mainstay. The increased aggression, coupled with the increasingly difficult lot of the common people caused by the burden of taxation, led to the anti-imperialist movement of the Yi He Tuan (Boxers of Righteous Harmony) in the closing years of the nineteenth century. This organization was mainly composed of the peasant masses of North China.
Spontaneous struggles of the lower social strata of the Chinese people against imperialism had continued ever since the failure of the Taiping Revolution. They generally took the form of opposition and resistance to missionaries and mission societies, sent to China by the aggressive foreign powers. Relying upon the special privileges extorted at the point of the bayonet from China by their governments, the missionaries penetrated into the interior of China and engaged in covert spying as well as in open activities designed to enslave the Chinese people. [like opposing foot-binding] These foreign missionaries, particularly the Catholics, established churches and expropriated estates. Backed by the the armed might of their imperialist governments, they threatened local Chinese officials, interfered with the government administration and law suits, and recruited scoundrels as ‘converts’, [was their a scoundrel depo back then?] using them to oppress the common people. All this fanned the indignation of the Chinese people.
The Yi He Tuan Movement. The great struggle against imprialism which had been brewing among the people for a long time broke out in Shandong in 1899 and quickly took the form of a movement of broad proportions. At first it was led by a secret society known as the Yi He Tuan. Training in boxing was a special feature of this society’s activities. Its members were principally peasants, handicraftsmen, transport workers and other low paid workers. The organizaation also included a fair sprinkling of riff-raff and landlords who were victims of religious persecution. It was natural that such a movement, based on the peasantry, should also oppose feudal oppression. But as Shandong was at that tim a victim of aggression by German imperialism, the struggle of the Yi He Tuan was at first directed against the foreign aggressors and the foreign missionaries, the representatives of the aggressive force with whom the Chinese people were in closest contact. The Qing [Manchu] officials of Shandong Province vainly attempted to put down the movement by force. Their action only served to accelerate its tempo.
The Qing rulers had now become so weak that they were unable to cope with events and could only view the rapid spread of the movement with alarm. Moreover, the people’s rebellion was taking placein the immediate vicinity of the capital. As the Yi He Tuan was against foreign missionaries they decided to seize its leadership aand use the movement for their own ends. The Yi He Tuan was legally recognized, and even some government officials themselves took paart in the movement in order to gain control of the movement from within. The composition of the leadership became very mixed and led to the adoptation of a new slogan by the Yi He Tuan ‘Support the Dynasty and Exterminate the Foreigners’. With the legalization of the Yi He Tuan the movement spread rapidly from Shandong to the neighboring providences and finally to such cities as Beijing and Tianjin. In the summer of 1900 the city of Beijing was almost completely dominated by the Yi He Tuan and there were open attacks on foreign churches and the legations of the imperialist powers.
The Combined Forces of the Imperialist Brigands Against China in 1900. The imperialist powers decided to dispatch their own troops to suppress the Chinese people’s revolutionary movement. [the same one coopted by the Manchu dynasty?] The combined forces of the eight powers, Britain, the United States, Russia, France, Germany, Japan, Italy, and Austria advanced on Beijing by way of Dagu and Tianjin. Although the Yi He Tuan had only primitive weapons, it fought bravely against the foreign aggressors. Some of the officers and soldiers of the Qing army also took part in the fighting. The troops of the imperialist powers had superior equipment and indiscriminately killed civilians and burned villages in the course of their advance on Beijing. In August 1900 they marched like robbers into Beijing and sacked the city in seaarch of ‘war booty’. The outrages and atrocities–arson, looting, killing, and raping–committed by these aggressive armies in and around Beeijing, Tianjin, and Baoding have seldom been equalled in world history. [or at least not until the Japanese showed up at Nanking on their own in 1937]
When the combined forces of the eight powers broke into Beijing the Qing court, led by Empress Dowager Ci Xi, fled to Xian. Before leaving it [I assume they are referring to the court] denounced the Yi He Tuan as ‘rioters’ and maade friendly overtures to the aggressive armies, requesting them to suppress the ‘rioters’ on its behalf. The imperialists declared that they had not come to make war on China but had come to suppress the riots, put down the rebellion, and help the legitimate Chinese government to restore peace and order. Thus, hoodwinked at first by the feudal rulers, the members of the Yi He Tuan became the tragic victims of bloody slaughter by foreign imperialists working in league with the feudal forces at home.
The failure of the Yi He Tuan movement demonstrated that without the leadership of an advanced class it was impossible for a peasant revolution to succeed. [though the Yi He Tuan was much more interested in reaction then revolution] At the time of the movement, China had no independent proletarian class. The newly-born bourgeoisie was weak and lacking in determination, even the democratic revolutionariees among the bourgeoise regarding the movement as a barbarous insurrection. [because it was] Fighting by themselves, the peasant masses could not hope to succeed against the crafty and ferocious feudal ruling class plus the forces of imperialism. Neverless, the Yi he Tuan Movement revealed that among the Chinese peasants there was an immense potential force for the struggle against imperialism and feudalism.
This force, which played an important role in subsequent Chinese history, compelled the imperialists to reconsider their policy towards China. The imperialists realized that if they partitioned China and brought it under their own direct control they would have to deal with countless struggles of the same kind. This caused them to decide to preserve a semblance of ‘Chinese independence’, return the city of bijing to the feudal Qing rulers, and act as wire-pullers behind the political scene of China.
The 1901 Treaty. While the Yi he Tuan was waging fierce struggles against imperialism in the north, the viceroys and governors of the southern providences adopted an attitude of ‘friendly co-operation’ towards the imperialist powers. Because of the support received from the latter, they succeeded in suppressing the anti-imperialist movements of the people in central and south China. After the capture of Beijing by the joint forces of the eight imperialist powers, the Qing government appointed Li Hongzhang, then leader of the southern viceroys, to negotiate peace with them. In 1901 Li Hongzhang signeed a protocol with eleven imperialist powers–Britain, the United States, Russia, Germany, Austria, France, Italy, Japan, Belgium, Spain and the Netherlands. Under its terms China had to pay an indemnity of 450 million taels, spread over a period of thirty-nine years. The total amount including principle and interest was more than 980 million taels. The Qing government was to be held responsible for the suppression of the Chinese people’s anti-imperialist activities. Imperialist troops were to be stationed in Bijing and at all strategic points between Beijing, Tianjin and the Shanhaiguan Pass. The fort at Dagu, one of the most important in China’s system of national defense, was to be demolished.
After the signing of the Protocol of 1901, the head of the Qing government, Empress Dowager Ci Xi, returned to beijing from Xian, prepared to faithfully serve the imperialist powers and rule with their support. The imperialists felt that the Qing government was still a useful tool despite its corruption, and they could keep it in place with the backing of their armed forces. The march of events was soon to upset this calculation."
Edited by - on August 13 2003 21:37:27